Whois
11-22-2004, 02:01 PM
http://www.nctimes.com/articles/2004/11/21/opinion/commentary/14_23_1711_20_04.txt
Blaming the messenger
By: DARRIN MORTENSON - Staff Writer
When I first read Monday that embedded reporter Kevin Sites had filmed a Marine killing an unarmed Iraqi man on the floor of a Fallujah mosque, I turned to photographer Hayne Palmour and said: "Kevin's the loneliest man in the world right now."
Palmour, a veteran staff photographer for the North County Times, and I had worked with Sites near Fallujah during the Marines' previous push on that city in April.
We, too, were embedded, and embedded deep like Sites was these last weeks ---- with a Marine infantry company in the heat of house-to-house fighting.
We could empathize with Sites because we knew him as a hardworking and diligent young journalist dedicated to the truth, and because we, too, had incurred the wrath of both the military and certain sectors of the public for reporting it.
Embeds bring it home
Over the last week or two, as more than 10,000 American and Iraqi troops stormed Fallujah, everybody relied on embedded reporters for nearly every image and report they received from the toughest and costliest battle of the war.
Reporters trudged through the streets with the troops in the same harrowing combat environment to bring home images of U.S. troops leveling the notorious city and hunting down homegrown insurgents and hardened terrorists.
And then the entire week of brutal fighting seemed to boil down to a single iconic image of a battle-weary Marine with a Marlboro hanging from his parched and broken lips.
It said it all: true grit.
The public cheered the image and no one complained about the wall-to-wall play the picture received around the world.
It was all Norman Rockwell and Greatest Generation and John Wayne, and it made everybody feel good about America and Americans.
"Study it," one prominent anchor said.
It reinforced our resolve and fit the narrative we all wanted to believe in.
And it was brought to us by ---- guess who? ---- an embedded reporter.
Best and the worst of people
But as soon as Sites' video aired Monday, many people were shouting to ban the embeds ---- or worse.
When I got to my Oceanside office Wednesday, the first phone message I retrieved was from an angry reader who said she was disturbed that ---- in a follow-up article on Sites' Fallujah report ---- I had called the slain Iraqi man a "fighter," and not a "chicken fighter."
More important, she called for an end to the military's embedding program, and demanded that Sites be arrested for "causing more problems" and charged with "sedition" and "treason."
She said the Marine who shot the Iraqi on the floor "should get a Medal of Honor," echoing several prominent radio commentators Wednesday.
That was kid stuff.
Others sounded like members of a lynch mob or a McCarthy hearing committee.
One columnist said that "Sites' broadcast makes him an accomplice to al-Qaida and Saddam," and that "Sites deserves to be shipped back to America in shackles and tried for treason."
Conservative bloggers with names like "The Crusader" said it was Sites, not the insurgent, who should have been shot.
"Kill all the reporters," one patriot said.
America right or wrong.
Double edge of embedding
As an embedded reporter, Sites was damned if he ran the tape and damned if he didn't.
Running it risked discrediting him with the Marines who trusted him and with sectors of the public who would rather not know what war is like.
Not running it would mean he could not be trusted with the responsibilities of a journalist by denying the rest of us some vital truth.
And, truth be told, Sites was not responsible for airing it. He merely sent a report back and NBC News had to grapple with whether to broadcast the report.
Like the Marine in the video, Sites was just doing his job.
Sites had earned the trust of the Marines over more than six months of the most difficult and dangerous kind of reporting, sharing the same risks and hardships that earn Marines the public's sympathy and respect.
For his efforts, he won a spot as the network pool reporter with one of the two Camp Pendleton Marine battalions that fought through the worst sections of Fallujah over the last week or so.
In order to stay in the saddle that long and get that privileged view, Sites had to follow the military's strict rules on not reporting casualties until authorized and not compromising security.
Any breach and he could have been yanked out immediately.
Sites also had to have lived up to the professional and ethical standards of journalism to be the pool reporter for NBC, trusted to dispatch images and reports to other mainstream media to use in their reports.
So Sites didn't get to where he was because the Marines didn't like him or because he wasn't up to the job.
He was, in fact, very popular, and his daily Internet battle-blog had become a life-link between the Marines of the 3rd Battalion, 1st Regiment and their families.
His entries are replete with references to heroic, hardworking Marines ---- ordinary men doing extraordinary things in the most extreme environment.
The public blog discussions are loaded with praise and thanks.
Changing sands of war
But that only lasted as long as the news was good.
As soon as Sites' footage of the mosque shooting aired Monday, it seemed the world had turned against him.
Pundits and people everywhere were already blaming the messenger without even listening to the message.
They made excuses for the Marine before they even knew the facts, and condemned others for judging the Marine without the facts.
Meanwhile, without even hearing Sites' full report, they judged and condemned Sites himself.
Critics seemed to ignore the details of his report ---- how he explained that the shooting had occurred in the confusing context of the battle, that the Marine had been wounded, and that Sites never accused the Marine of any wrongdoing.
Instead, many blamed Sites for reporting the incident at all. Cover it up, they seemed to say.
Families of Marines still in Fallujah said Sites had "betrayed" them.
Officially, Marine officials have said Sites has not been removed from the field or censured in any way.
Unofficially, while Marine public affairs officers who worked with Sites in Iraq have expressed support and have said he was just doing his job, they admit his report was probably a crushing blow to the morale of the men who'd witnessed and participated in so much horror and so much heroism over the last two weeks.
Privately, many Marines said they knew Sites' relationship with the troops was doomed.
According to reports from the field, Sites was last seen at the base camp near Fallujah eating alone in the chow hall, shunned by the Marines around him.
I could see Sites sitting there in the mess tent at Camp Baharia ---- proud that he had upheld his duty as a reporter but feeling like he had somehow betrayed the men whom he had learned to like and respect, and who had let him into their lives and taken him under their wings.
In the hot seat
I could imagine it because, to some extent, Hayne and I sat in that same lonely seat when we covered the Marines in the spring.
After entering Fallujah with a Marine platoon in late March, we witnessed a Marine sniper kill an unarmed Iraqi man who was standing on his roof talking on a cell phone.
According to the Marines' rules of engagement that day, the troops could only shoot someone who was shooting at them. Even someone holding a rifle, if not raising it to fire, was off limits.
I reported the killing matter-of-factly, without judgment, and definitely without wanting to damage the Marines' morale or reputation.
It was war, I reasoned, and I included it as just one vignette in a story that otherwise detailed the Marines' courageous rush into battle.
Why I thought it was important enough to report was because of how the shooting ---- whether the man was a legitimate military target or just an unfortunate casualty of war ---- had turned the entire neighborhood against the Marines.
More than a hundred people had gathered outside the slain man's home. A nearby mosque blared condemnation and chants. Neighbors took up arms, and insurgents ended up chasing us out of town under fire.
Neighbors on the other side of town said the "tribe" would have to get revenge for that man and the more than 20 other Iraqis who were reportedly killed or wounded that day.
It was instructive: What we had witnessed and documented was how the insurgency grows ---- something the military and folks at home seemed very uncomfortable hearing about.
Embedding tested
I later included a reference to the incident in an analysis story I wrote shortly after four American contractors were slain in Fallujah.
The article was about how the Marines, just a week after taking over for the Army in Fallujah, had been swept up in the cycle of violence in that city of horrors.
And in one paragraph in a three-page story, I recounted what local residents might have seen during the first week of the Marines' stay, without the benefit of explanations.
Within a day, the article had made its way from the division commanding general in Ramadi down to the battalion commander in Fallujah.
Although everything I cited in the single paragraph I either witnessed myself or heard from multiple interviews with Marines whom we knew and trusted as sources, the command was outraged and threatened to kick us out.
Readers at home called for my return.
One Marine major, who acknowledged that everything was factually true but needed more explanation, said that one paragraph had done more damage to the Marines' "Information Operations" campaign than all the civilians they had killed or wounded in Fallujah.
Didn't I get it? he asked. It was a war of perceptions, he said, and the real battlefield was back in American living rooms, not in the streets of Fallujah.
We, the enemy?
Suddenly I was the enemy.
I was a threat to their mission, he said, and we both knew what happened to threats in Iraq ---- they were "taken out."
On the eve of the Marines' big assault on Fallujah days later, the Marine commanders said they wanted us out, but couldn't pull our plug until we answered the questions from a pesky "war crimes" team that had been dispatched from a higher command to investigate the sniper shooting and other troubling incidents that I had reported.
There we sat in Sites' hot seat ---- grilled, intimidated, threatened and scared.
Many Marines shunned us, whispered, scowled, and cast cold, deadly glances our way. They had been briefed by higher-ups that we were the "bad guys."
Spooky types ---- bearded and heavily armed CIA operatives, SEALs, Delta and Special Forces troops wearing civilian clothes and no name tags ---- eyed us with contempt.
They were accountable to no one in their mission to eliminate threats.
We were on the verge of leaving, fearing for our own safety, when we were eventually allowed to rejoin the battle where the Marines doing the fighting seemed to have changed their minds and now said they were happy to have their story told.
Getting the boot
We told their story from the front line for the next three weeks, but we were eventually run out after I quoted a young Marine who said Fallujah scared the hell out of him.
A senior enlisted Marine told us we were bad for the Marines' image, and ordered us to "pack your s - - - and get the f - - - out."
The Marines with whom we had stuck it out for weeks privately approached us to tell us they thought it was wrong that we were being ordered out, and said they were afraid their story would go untold.
On the day we left, they wrote messages on pieces of cardboard for their families back home. Their daily link to America was broken.
That's when we last saw Sites ---- in a tent at Camp Fallujah, where we were waiting for a ride out of Iraq.
We left the field feeling hated by some Marine commanders and fearing that we had somehow failed the grunts ---- many of whom had become our friends.
But we arrived home to stacks of letters and e-mails from families thanking us for our honest efforts.
Since then, many Marines have come forward to thank us for telling the truth.
They said the truth was initially tough to swallow, but said they were glad that, in the end, we had "told it like it was" despite the knee-jerk reactions from the brass and some well-intentioned folks at home.
Sites was guilty of 'being there'
I hope Sites weathers the storm the same, and looks down the road a piece.
The blame-the-messenger mentality, which is always a sign of weakness in a democracy, is contagious and miserable, but it's survivable.
When the news is good, everyone hails those hardworking reporters who live in the dirt and danger to accompany the troops, as long as their reports make us feel good.
But when the images make us uncomfortable or force us to ask questions, we blame the media.
It's war. It's ugly. Believe me.
War brings out the very best and the worst in men, especially when both sides claim they have God on their side and are therefore above reproach.
Without passing judgment on that one Marine, Sites' footage was important for us to see.
Marines quoted by The Boston Globe the day after the video aired said they had no trouble with the shooting in the blurred environment of Fallujah.
"I would have shot the insurgent, too," said one sergeant. "Two shots to the head.
"You can't trust these people," he said. "He did nothing wrong."
If so, then why should Sites be damned for showing it?
Where were the media?
If Marines are going around "double-tapping" wounded Iraqis in the head, maybe we'll come to understand that "these people" don't only hate us because we're free. And we should take the heat off that poor scared Marine and point our fingers up the food chain to commanders who ordered or condoned such behavior.
But if the Marines are not committing war crimes, and the Marine simply shot the man in self-defense, then at least maybe some of the armchair generals out there will see what kind of a war we are asking these young Americans to fight. And maybe then we will let them fight it without their arms tied behind their backs.
As reporters we see it, hear it and document it for what it is. The spin happens at home.
Part of me wants to call for all of my fellow embedded reporters to come home ---- pack up and forget about those hellish places where American troops serve and fight.
The American people don't want to hear about it.
Come home. It's not worth the risk. It's not worth a single hair on your noble and hardworking heads.
Let them fend for themselves with government propaganda on one side and Al Jazeera on the other.
Then ---- when the troops' sacrifices go untold, and we have no idea what's going on in the world and the military falls out of our gaze and to the bottom of the congressional budget ---- sit back in safety and listen to the armchair critics holler: "Where were the media?"
On the other hand ---- and I'm sure Sites will one day agree with me when all this is over ---- I can't wait for my next assignment.
At least the troops are still worth the effort, even if some of their so-called supporters may not be.
Blaming the messenger
By: DARRIN MORTENSON - Staff Writer
When I first read Monday that embedded reporter Kevin Sites had filmed a Marine killing an unarmed Iraqi man on the floor of a Fallujah mosque, I turned to photographer Hayne Palmour and said: "Kevin's the loneliest man in the world right now."
Palmour, a veteran staff photographer for the North County Times, and I had worked with Sites near Fallujah during the Marines' previous push on that city in April.
We, too, were embedded, and embedded deep like Sites was these last weeks ---- with a Marine infantry company in the heat of house-to-house fighting.
We could empathize with Sites because we knew him as a hardworking and diligent young journalist dedicated to the truth, and because we, too, had incurred the wrath of both the military and certain sectors of the public for reporting it.
Embeds bring it home
Over the last week or two, as more than 10,000 American and Iraqi troops stormed Fallujah, everybody relied on embedded reporters for nearly every image and report they received from the toughest and costliest battle of the war.
Reporters trudged through the streets with the troops in the same harrowing combat environment to bring home images of U.S. troops leveling the notorious city and hunting down homegrown insurgents and hardened terrorists.
And then the entire week of brutal fighting seemed to boil down to a single iconic image of a battle-weary Marine with a Marlboro hanging from his parched and broken lips.
It said it all: true grit.
The public cheered the image and no one complained about the wall-to-wall play the picture received around the world.
It was all Norman Rockwell and Greatest Generation and John Wayne, and it made everybody feel good about America and Americans.
"Study it," one prominent anchor said.
It reinforced our resolve and fit the narrative we all wanted to believe in.
And it was brought to us by ---- guess who? ---- an embedded reporter.
Best and the worst of people
But as soon as Sites' video aired Monday, many people were shouting to ban the embeds ---- or worse.
When I got to my Oceanside office Wednesday, the first phone message I retrieved was from an angry reader who said she was disturbed that ---- in a follow-up article on Sites' Fallujah report ---- I had called the slain Iraqi man a "fighter," and not a "chicken fighter."
More important, she called for an end to the military's embedding program, and demanded that Sites be arrested for "causing more problems" and charged with "sedition" and "treason."
She said the Marine who shot the Iraqi on the floor "should get a Medal of Honor," echoing several prominent radio commentators Wednesday.
That was kid stuff.
Others sounded like members of a lynch mob or a McCarthy hearing committee.
One columnist said that "Sites' broadcast makes him an accomplice to al-Qaida and Saddam," and that "Sites deserves to be shipped back to America in shackles and tried for treason."
Conservative bloggers with names like "The Crusader" said it was Sites, not the insurgent, who should have been shot.
"Kill all the reporters," one patriot said.
America right or wrong.
Double edge of embedding
As an embedded reporter, Sites was damned if he ran the tape and damned if he didn't.
Running it risked discrediting him with the Marines who trusted him and with sectors of the public who would rather not know what war is like.
Not running it would mean he could not be trusted with the responsibilities of a journalist by denying the rest of us some vital truth.
And, truth be told, Sites was not responsible for airing it. He merely sent a report back and NBC News had to grapple with whether to broadcast the report.
Like the Marine in the video, Sites was just doing his job.
Sites had earned the trust of the Marines over more than six months of the most difficult and dangerous kind of reporting, sharing the same risks and hardships that earn Marines the public's sympathy and respect.
For his efforts, he won a spot as the network pool reporter with one of the two Camp Pendleton Marine battalions that fought through the worst sections of Fallujah over the last week or so.
In order to stay in the saddle that long and get that privileged view, Sites had to follow the military's strict rules on not reporting casualties until authorized and not compromising security.
Any breach and he could have been yanked out immediately.
Sites also had to have lived up to the professional and ethical standards of journalism to be the pool reporter for NBC, trusted to dispatch images and reports to other mainstream media to use in their reports.
So Sites didn't get to where he was because the Marines didn't like him or because he wasn't up to the job.
He was, in fact, very popular, and his daily Internet battle-blog had become a life-link between the Marines of the 3rd Battalion, 1st Regiment and their families.
His entries are replete with references to heroic, hardworking Marines ---- ordinary men doing extraordinary things in the most extreme environment.
The public blog discussions are loaded with praise and thanks.
Changing sands of war
But that only lasted as long as the news was good.
As soon as Sites' footage of the mosque shooting aired Monday, it seemed the world had turned against him.
Pundits and people everywhere were already blaming the messenger without even listening to the message.
They made excuses for the Marine before they even knew the facts, and condemned others for judging the Marine without the facts.
Meanwhile, without even hearing Sites' full report, they judged and condemned Sites himself.
Critics seemed to ignore the details of his report ---- how he explained that the shooting had occurred in the confusing context of the battle, that the Marine had been wounded, and that Sites never accused the Marine of any wrongdoing.
Instead, many blamed Sites for reporting the incident at all. Cover it up, they seemed to say.
Families of Marines still in Fallujah said Sites had "betrayed" them.
Officially, Marine officials have said Sites has not been removed from the field or censured in any way.
Unofficially, while Marine public affairs officers who worked with Sites in Iraq have expressed support and have said he was just doing his job, they admit his report was probably a crushing blow to the morale of the men who'd witnessed and participated in so much horror and so much heroism over the last two weeks.
Privately, many Marines said they knew Sites' relationship with the troops was doomed.
According to reports from the field, Sites was last seen at the base camp near Fallujah eating alone in the chow hall, shunned by the Marines around him.
I could see Sites sitting there in the mess tent at Camp Baharia ---- proud that he had upheld his duty as a reporter but feeling like he had somehow betrayed the men whom he had learned to like and respect, and who had let him into their lives and taken him under their wings.
In the hot seat
I could imagine it because, to some extent, Hayne and I sat in that same lonely seat when we covered the Marines in the spring.
After entering Fallujah with a Marine platoon in late March, we witnessed a Marine sniper kill an unarmed Iraqi man who was standing on his roof talking on a cell phone.
According to the Marines' rules of engagement that day, the troops could only shoot someone who was shooting at them. Even someone holding a rifle, if not raising it to fire, was off limits.
I reported the killing matter-of-factly, without judgment, and definitely without wanting to damage the Marines' morale or reputation.
It was war, I reasoned, and I included it as just one vignette in a story that otherwise detailed the Marines' courageous rush into battle.
Why I thought it was important enough to report was because of how the shooting ---- whether the man was a legitimate military target or just an unfortunate casualty of war ---- had turned the entire neighborhood against the Marines.
More than a hundred people had gathered outside the slain man's home. A nearby mosque blared condemnation and chants. Neighbors took up arms, and insurgents ended up chasing us out of town under fire.
Neighbors on the other side of town said the "tribe" would have to get revenge for that man and the more than 20 other Iraqis who were reportedly killed or wounded that day.
It was instructive: What we had witnessed and documented was how the insurgency grows ---- something the military and folks at home seemed very uncomfortable hearing about.
Embedding tested
I later included a reference to the incident in an analysis story I wrote shortly after four American contractors were slain in Fallujah.
The article was about how the Marines, just a week after taking over for the Army in Fallujah, had been swept up in the cycle of violence in that city of horrors.
And in one paragraph in a three-page story, I recounted what local residents might have seen during the first week of the Marines' stay, without the benefit of explanations.
Within a day, the article had made its way from the division commanding general in Ramadi down to the battalion commander in Fallujah.
Although everything I cited in the single paragraph I either witnessed myself or heard from multiple interviews with Marines whom we knew and trusted as sources, the command was outraged and threatened to kick us out.
Readers at home called for my return.
One Marine major, who acknowledged that everything was factually true but needed more explanation, said that one paragraph had done more damage to the Marines' "Information Operations" campaign than all the civilians they had killed or wounded in Fallujah.
Didn't I get it? he asked. It was a war of perceptions, he said, and the real battlefield was back in American living rooms, not in the streets of Fallujah.
We, the enemy?
Suddenly I was the enemy.
I was a threat to their mission, he said, and we both knew what happened to threats in Iraq ---- they were "taken out."
On the eve of the Marines' big assault on Fallujah days later, the Marine commanders said they wanted us out, but couldn't pull our plug until we answered the questions from a pesky "war crimes" team that had been dispatched from a higher command to investigate the sniper shooting and other troubling incidents that I had reported.
There we sat in Sites' hot seat ---- grilled, intimidated, threatened and scared.
Many Marines shunned us, whispered, scowled, and cast cold, deadly glances our way. They had been briefed by higher-ups that we were the "bad guys."
Spooky types ---- bearded and heavily armed CIA operatives, SEALs, Delta and Special Forces troops wearing civilian clothes and no name tags ---- eyed us with contempt.
They were accountable to no one in their mission to eliminate threats.
We were on the verge of leaving, fearing for our own safety, when we were eventually allowed to rejoin the battle where the Marines doing the fighting seemed to have changed their minds and now said they were happy to have their story told.
Getting the boot
We told their story from the front line for the next three weeks, but we were eventually run out after I quoted a young Marine who said Fallujah scared the hell out of him.
A senior enlisted Marine told us we were bad for the Marines' image, and ordered us to "pack your s - - - and get the f - - - out."
The Marines with whom we had stuck it out for weeks privately approached us to tell us they thought it was wrong that we were being ordered out, and said they were afraid their story would go untold.
On the day we left, they wrote messages on pieces of cardboard for their families back home. Their daily link to America was broken.
That's when we last saw Sites ---- in a tent at Camp Fallujah, where we were waiting for a ride out of Iraq.
We left the field feeling hated by some Marine commanders and fearing that we had somehow failed the grunts ---- many of whom had become our friends.
But we arrived home to stacks of letters and e-mails from families thanking us for our honest efforts.
Since then, many Marines have come forward to thank us for telling the truth.
They said the truth was initially tough to swallow, but said they were glad that, in the end, we had "told it like it was" despite the knee-jerk reactions from the brass and some well-intentioned folks at home.
Sites was guilty of 'being there'
I hope Sites weathers the storm the same, and looks down the road a piece.
The blame-the-messenger mentality, which is always a sign of weakness in a democracy, is contagious and miserable, but it's survivable.
When the news is good, everyone hails those hardworking reporters who live in the dirt and danger to accompany the troops, as long as their reports make us feel good.
But when the images make us uncomfortable or force us to ask questions, we blame the media.
It's war. It's ugly. Believe me.
War brings out the very best and the worst in men, especially when both sides claim they have God on their side and are therefore above reproach.
Without passing judgment on that one Marine, Sites' footage was important for us to see.
Marines quoted by The Boston Globe the day after the video aired said they had no trouble with the shooting in the blurred environment of Fallujah.
"I would have shot the insurgent, too," said one sergeant. "Two shots to the head.
"You can't trust these people," he said. "He did nothing wrong."
If so, then why should Sites be damned for showing it?
Where were the media?
If Marines are going around "double-tapping" wounded Iraqis in the head, maybe we'll come to understand that "these people" don't only hate us because we're free. And we should take the heat off that poor scared Marine and point our fingers up the food chain to commanders who ordered or condoned such behavior.
But if the Marines are not committing war crimes, and the Marine simply shot the man in self-defense, then at least maybe some of the armchair generals out there will see what kind of a war we are asking these young Americans to fight. And maybe then we will let them fight it without their arms tied behind their backs.
As reporters we see it, hear it and document it for what it is. The spin happens at home.
Part of me wants to call for all of my fellow embedded reporters to come home ---- pack up and forget about those hellish places where American troops serve and fight.
The American people don't want to hear about it.
Come home. It's not worth the risk. It's not worth a single hair on your noble and hardworking heads.
Let them fend for themselves with government propaganda on one side and Al Jazeera on the other.
Then ---- when the troops' sacrifices go untold, and we have no idea what's going on in the world and the military falls out of our gaze and to the bottom of the congressional budget ---- sit back in safety and listen to the armchair critics holler: "Where were the media?"
On the other hand ---- and I'm sure Sites will one day agree with me when all this is over ---- I can't wait for my next assignment.
At least the troops are still worth the effort, even if some of their so-called supporters may not be.